International Intervention in Haiti Grapples with Problematic Legacy of Past Failures
Image credit: Jim Delcid via Flickr.
Recent gang violence has plunged Haiti into turmoil so drastic that half the population is currently at risk of starvation. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, a global initiative formed by the United Nations, has reported that almost half of Haiti’s population (roughly five million people) is suffering a high degree of food insecurity.
How did this dystopian state come to be?
The Attack and take of the Crête-à-Pierrot in the Haitian Revolution, 1802. Illustration by Auguste Raffet via public domain.
Violence has been a hallmark of Haitian political life since the Haitian Revolution, in which an extremely violent struggle gave Haiti independence from French colonial rule. Violence persisted into modern times through the dictatorship of the Duvalier father and son dynasty from 1957 to 1986. During the Duvalier years, paramilitary forces were employed to violently crush political opposition, setting the precedent of armed groups within Haitian political culture. More recently, the 2010s political instability, the shocking 2010 earthquake and economic hardship long plaguing the nation, allowed fertile grounds for stronger gang organisation and the proliferation of gang activity. Frequent cases of political corruption and leadership changes have contributed to the lack of a stable, effective government, in turn creating a void of leadership. The Haitian government’s struggle to maintain law and order has paved the way for armed gangs to increase their grip on Haitian society. Under President Michel Martelly, who held office from 2011 until 2016, gangs began to intricately weave into the formal political fabric by forging alliances with legitimate political factions and influential business elites. This integration created a shadowy web of power and influence. Gangs exploited the power vacuum created by government failure, providing security and law enforcement in exchange for funding and protection from prosecution. These developments rapidly increased the gang’s legitimacy and entrenched their position in Haitian political life.
Stability quickly spiralled out of control following the assassination of President Jovenel Moise, successor of Michel Martelly, in 2021. The death of Haiti’s Head of State further exacerbated this power vacuum, allowing gangs to seize control of large swaths of Port-au-Prince, the capital city and seat of political power. This incursion has worsened to this day, where estimates place gang control over Port-au-Prince at 80 percent. This rampant gang control has severely disrupted economic activity due to the strong control over the coastal strip of Port-au-Prince, allowing the gangs to exert full control over the food and energy entry into the country.
A burning barricade during a protest in Port-au-Prince, March 2024. Image credit: Carlin Trezil via Unsplash.
Unrest further escalated earlier this year following former Prime Minister, Ariel Henry, visiting Kenya to attend a multinational security summit. The visit consisted of final discussions of the deployment of Kenyan security forces to Haiti in an effort to restore order. However, these talks triggered widespread protests in Port-au-Prince, due to gang leadership perceiving the Kenyan-led intervention as a threat to their grip on power. This unrest culminated in extremely violent protests that further destabilised the situation in the capital. The crisis triggered Ariel Henry to announce his resignation in March, giving power to a transitional council that planned to hold state elections in August, Haiti’s first since 2016.
How is the International Community Responding?
The United Nations Office in Geneva. Image credit: Mathias Reding via Unsplash.
Fervent endeavours by the International Community have attempted to assist the Haitian government in regaining control of Port-au-Prince, with the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) heading this effort. First established in late 2019 by the UN Security Council resolution 2486, BINUH’s mission has been to support Haiti in improving political stability and fostering peace. By strengthening the Haitian National Police and promoting human rights BINUH hopes to make tangible progress. Recently being approved for an additional year, Antonio Rodrigue, Haiti’s Permanent Representative to the UN, stated:
“The Haitian government, through my office, welcomes the unanimous adoption of resolution 2743, which extends BINUH’s mandate for another year. This renewal signifies the international community’s ongoing commitment to fostering peace, security and political stability in Haiti”.
Following this renewed agreement, the UN-backed multinational force finally deployed security forces to the troubled nation. Some 400 Kenyan security personnel arrived in Port-au-Prince on June 25. Haiti’s interim Prime Minister Garry Conille said the first wave of the force presents a ‘unique opportunity’ to bring peace to the besieged capital city. “I want no one to doubt the purpose of the mission. The state will regain power and reaffirm its authority so all Haitians can live peacefully in this country…” Conille said optimistically. A further 600 Kenyan personnel are ready to be deployed depending on the success of the first tranche.
This intervention is still in its infancy and progress reports are difficult to produce. However, many in the international community maintain hopeful perspectives on Haiti and it will be important to keep an eye on to see if this humanitarian crisis can be resolved. Given the history of failed interventions by the International Community, naturally, public trust in Haiti has eroded. There is palpable scepticism felt among Haitians questioning the efficacy of yet another international intervention. The international community must endeavour to truly grasp a full understanding of the historical context of colonisation as well as past failures in Haiti. To truly thrust Haiti into a period of not only stability but prosperity, this legacy of the past littered with failures and its place in the landscape that has allowed gang violence to thrive ought to be deeply considered.
Author Bio: Alister Gibson is a third-year International Relations Student at the University of Adelaide and a regular contributor at ALELD. He has a keen interest in political order, history, and philosophy and is currently studying German and Spanish.
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