Essequibo: Guyana’s Territorial Struggle against Venezuela
Guyana, the second-least populated and sole English-speaking nation in South America, is facing a looming crisis following a 2023 referendum in neighbouring Venezuela. Voters backed President Nicholás Maduro’s push to claim sovereignty over the oil-rich province of Essequibo. As military forces have entrenched themselves along the disputed border, international bodies and global powers have been mostly ineffective in pushing for peace. The threat that Guyana faces must be addressed vocally by powerful states, lest the small nation see half of its territory fade away.
Historical Context
The current dispute between Guyana and Venezuela centres on the Essequibo region, which makes up the entirety of Western Guyana. Venezuela has contested the region’s sovereign status with varying degrees of intensity throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
The dispute began in the late 1800s, when imperial ambitions created ambiguity over the border between Venezuela and British Guiana. An 1899 tribunal awarded 90 per cent of Essequibo to British Guiana, which created controversy due to the absence of a formal explanation for how the verdict was reached.
Former President of Venezuela Hugo Chavez took careful action to ease border tensions during his term, allowing for a period of calm relations. It was during this time that Guyanese researchers discovered an estimated11 billion barrels of oil in Essequibo, a potential source of revenue for Guyana to develop its key sectors.
The Current Dispute
President Nicholás Maduro has been far more confrontational on the topic of Essequibo than Chavez. ExxonMobil, the oil giant which had its possessions in Venezuela nationalised by Maduro, was given rights to tap into Guyana’s oil deposits in 2014, sparking renewed interest in Essequibo’s sovereign status.
In October 2023, Maduro held a referendum to determine if Venezuelans were in favour of declaring Essequibo as part of their country. While the government claimed that 10.5 million voters returned a 96 per cent yes response, analysts have maintained that historically low numbers of voters actually participated.
Noting that his government takes Venezuela’s threats “very seriously”, Guyana’s President Irfaan Ali has initiated “a number of precautionary measures” to protect his nation. Both countries have militarised the areas around the disputed border, while also engaging in symbolic gestures like flag raising and nationality exchanges.
A December meeting between Presidents Ali and Maduro in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines provided a small glimmer of hope that cooler heads would prevail. Both countries consented to an eleven-point agreement, which specifically stipulated that military force would not be used to resolve the dispute. This, however, has not stopped further military installations from being established along the disputed territory throughout 2024.
International Response
Due to Guyana’s relatively small international presence, the global response to the border crisis has been limited across the world.
The most proactive nation to put forward its services for mediation has been Brazil, with President Lula personally discussing the matter with Maduro as recently as March. Brazil’s armed forces have increased their presence along the country’s borders with both Guyana and Venezuela, with the intention of protecting “our national sovereignty” according to Army Commander General Tomas Paiva. Brazil’s primary concern is preventing any nation from using its territory to facilitate military activities.
The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), along with similar international institutions such as the Organisation of American States (OAS) and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), have put forward a number of condemnations regarding Venezuela’s actions. However, the power of these international institutions in dealing with the dispute is limited by the unwillingness of member states to take comprehensive action against Venezuela for its rising aggression. Other regional states, including Argentina, Chile, Columbia, Peru and Uruguay, backed calls for a peaceful resolution, but have done little else in attempting to alleviate tensions or pursue a suitable agreement.
China, an ally of both nations, has toed the line by encouraging the pursuit of a peaceful resolution without putting forward any proposals. Western nations, on the other hand, have been mostly pro-Guyana. The United States has increased its military assistance to Guyana, hoping to elevate the strength of the relatively small 5,000-man national force. Likewise, the United Kingdom sent the HMS Trent to the region for joint military exercises with the Guyanese navy over the 2024 New Year period. However, in recent months, little attention has been paid to the dispute despite the continuing stand-off brewing along the border.
The Future
Most military analysts maintain that Venezuela does not have the resources required to annex Essequibo. However, Maduro’s threats cannot simply be ignored. In the upcoming Presidential elections in Venezuela, Essequibo’s status could be used as a nationalistic rallying point to distract from divisions within the society.
Although the conditions by which Essequibo came to be Guyanese are rooted in the ugly history of imperialism, Guyana has administered, funded and governed the region for over one hundred years. The country finds itself in a frustrating predicament. Both regional and global partners are grappling with domestic and international struggles alike, leaving few countries available and willing to mediate a peaceful, and enforceable, agreement.
The future of Guyana is threatened by the Venezuelan government, necessitating a comprehensive response that can limit the potential for conflict, but is stronger than the empty agreements that have thus far been ignored. It is important that while the international community speaks out on major crises and conflicts that command widespread attention, we still keep an eye on relatively smaller countries in the world that are at a far greater risk of being victimised, with a smaller potential for effective international support.
Author Bio: Lachlan is currently undertaking his Honours in International Relations and Affairs at La Trobe University. He is an experienced writer and has contributed articles to Young Australians in International Affairs, Australia-Pacific Youth Dialogue, and Young Diplomats Society.
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The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or opinions of the Australia Latam Emerging Leaders Dialogue.